Surprised at Shiloh? Hell no, said Sherman.

Updated: Nov 22, 2020

The “Other” Sherman-Stanton Controversy[1]

By Daniel A. Masters



In the summer of 1862, Major General William Tecumseh Sherman and Lieutenant Governor Benjamin Stanton of Ohio engaged in a heated exchange of letters concerning Stanton’s public statements to the effect that the Federal army at Shiloh was surprised due to the negligence of its commanding officers. Stanton stated that the soldiers of the army held General Ulysses S. Grant and General Benjamin Prentiss responsible for this surprise, charging Grant with “blundering stupidity and negligence” and, moreover said that “the general feeling amongst the most intelligent men with whom I conversed is that they ought to be court martialed and shot.” Sherman hotly fired back, declaring that Stanton’s charges were “all false, false in general, false in every particular.” He defended Grant and the army high command, laying the blame for the trouble squarely at the feet of the raw volunteer troops and the political leaders who defended their cowardice, then lampooned Stanton as a libeler and slanderer. As Sherman’s and Stanton’s exchanges ceased, Sherman’s father-in-law, the politically powerful Thomas Ewing, took up where Sherman left off, publishing a pamphlet defending Sherman’s version of events and denouncing Stanton. Likewise, Stanton published a pamphlet a month later in attempt to defend his actions and his reputation.


Years later, Sherman mentioned the incident in his memoirs but dismissed the correspondence as “too personal to revive,” claiming that Stanton “often regretted his mistake in attempting to gain popular fame by abusing army leaders, then as now an easy and favorite mode of gaining notoriety, if not popularity.” But Sherman’s breezy dismissal of this unsavory episode of his military career glosses over the other key issue that the correspondence brought before public attention at the time: that of the oftentimes strained relationship between West Point-trained officers and the volunteer armies that they led in the field. The correspondence is significant in that it illustrates the interplay of politics, morale, and discipline, versus the wider effort of defeating the Confederacy.[2]


The first detailed account of Shiloh appeared on the front page of the April 14th edition of the Chicago Tribune as witnessed by a Chicago volunteer named Frank W. Reilly. Reilly served as the assistant surgeon of the 45th Illinois Infantry and had arrived for duty just days before the battle. He was less than impressed with what he saw of General Sherman. Referring to the evening of April 5th, Reilly stated that “General Grant had issued his orders to Gen. Sherman not to 'bring on an attack' and that officer added to his eccentricities by strict obedience, most pacifically calling in his pickets and going to bed early with that sweet consciousness of fidelity which is the best reward of obedience,” this despite the fact that the Rebel army was so close to the Federal camps that “in the night air the ring of a ramrod might almost have been heard. “ Reilly reminded readers that “Sherman is the officer who professed to need 100,000 men to reduce Kentucky,” a call that led some to publicly wonder that Sherman was crazy. “The proofs are thickening that that number is far too many to entrust to General Sherman.” [3]


The correspondent of the Cincinnati Times reported that in the days leading up to the battle, the general opinion of Federal officers was that the Confederates intended to fight a defensive campaign, and that belief guided their inaction in taking appropriate defensive measures. “Under these circumstances, matters have gone on rather loosely for a few days past on our side, our commanders feeling confident that even Secession audacity would never dare to assert an opposition in the open field,” he wrote. Despite the testimony of a Rebel prisoner who assured his captors that there would be an attack on Sunday, “no extra measures were adopted to guard against surprise or allow the troops to prepare for themselves a defense in case such an attack was made.” The correspondent averred that this lackadaisical attitude stretched to picket duty as well, commenting that “it has been known for some days past that proper attention has not been made to the placing of the pickets a sufficient distance from our front lines to ensure against surprise, and in some cases have been neglected altogether.” [4]

Whitelaw Reid of the Cincinnati Gazette [5] expounded on this theme of unpreparedness in the Federal camps as he described the initial shock of the Confederate attack upon Buckland's brigade of Sherman's division:

Almost at dawn, Sherman's pickets were driven in, a very little later, Prentiss's were; and the enemy were into the camps almost as soon as were the pickets themselves. Here began scenes which, let us hope, will have no parallel in the remaining annals of the war. Many, particularly the officers, were not yet out of bed. Others were dressing, others washing, others cooking, a few eating their breakfast. Many guns were unloaded, accoutrements lying pell-mell, ammunition was ill supplied- in short, the camps were completely surprised- disgracefully might be added, unless someone can hereafter give some yet undiscovered reason to the contrary.”

The wild cries from pickets rushing in and the few scattering shots that preceded their arrival aroused the regiments to a sense of their peril; an instant afterwards, rattling volleys of musketry poured through the tents, while before there was time for thought of preparation, there came rushing through the woods with lines of battle sweeping the whole fronts of division camps and bending down on either flank, the fine, dashing, compact columns of the enemy. Into the just aroused camps thronged the Rebel regiments, firing sharp volleys as they came and springing forward upon our laggards with the bayonet, for while their artillery already in position, was tossing shells to the further side of the encampments, scores were shot down as they were running, without weapons, hatless, coatless, toward the river. The searching bullets found other poor unfortunates in their tents, and there, all unheeding now, still they slumbered, while the unseen foe rushed on. Others fell, as they were disentangling themselves from the flaps that formed the doors to their tents; others as they were buckling on their accoutrements others as they were trying to impress on the cruelly exultant enemy their desire to surrender. Officers were bayonetted in their beds and left for dead. Such were the fearful disasters that opened the Rebel onset on the lines of Buckland's brigade of Sherman's division.” [6]

Following the battle, several Northern states sent delegations of doctors, nurses, and sanitary commission workers to Pittsburg Landing to assist the army in treating the thousands of wounded men. Rev. Robert Collyer led the Chicago delegation, circulated amongst the wounded of his state, and recorded his impressions in a letter published in the Chicago Tribune. “First, all who said anything about it, said that the fatal surprise of Sunday morning was the result of unpardonable negligence on the part of the commanders. The men themselves knew that the woods all about them were swarming with the enemy, but there was no effort made to get a clear knowledge of the real condition of things, and not even a picket guard sent out until perhaps Saturday, and that this knowledge of a certain danger near them made the men feel unsteady and unstrung.” Collyer also stated that many of the men stated that the battle Sunday was “badly managed” and the men “were outflanked every time.” One soldier stated that “we did run away; we won't deny it. We got under the bank and wouldn't come out. Why? Because it was no use. If a man gives his life, he wants to get the worth of it.” [7]

The widely circulated reports that several Ohio regiments had fled at the first fire hit the press starting on April 12th, based on a dispatch from Cairo dated Friday April 11th. “The attack commenced about daybreak Sunday morning. Taylor's Battery and Waterhouse's Battery (both Illinois units) opened the fight, supported by the 23rd Illinois on the right, the 77th Ohio supporting the left of Taylor's and the 53rd Ohio supporting the left of Waterhouse's. These regiments belonged to Sherman's division, occupying the extreme right. Both of the Ohio regiments ran- the 77th without firing a gun- leaving Waterhouse without support.” [8] The Tribune mourned that “we would that we could be spared the pain of recording the shame of some of the Ohio regiments who ran at the first fire or without a shot,” adding that “one of these regiments rushed down helter-skelter to the river and took possession of a steamer in waiting for the wounded, nor could they be dispossessed.” [9]

The correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette noted that “some of the regiments ran without firing a gun. Col. Appler's 53rd Ohio is loudly complained of in this score, and others are mentioned.”[10] A few days later, in a short article praising the actions of Captain Waterhouse's Illinois artillery battery at Shiloh, the Chicago Tribune again castigated the 53rd and 77th Ohio regiments, stating that upon the first fire, both regiments “cut and run like so many sheep. Capt. Waterhouse nobly stood the fire of the enemy for over 40 minutes after being completely deserted by his support.” [11] The Daily Ohio Statesman, quoting a report from the Chicago Times, reported that “when the attack was first made, the 53rd, 57th, 71st, and 77th Ohio regiments displayed inexcusable inefficiency. The latter fled without firing a gun; the others fired one or two rounds then fled. The cowardice of these regiments left the point undefended and the enemy immediately closed in and surrounded the more advanced regiments.” [12] The Gazette writer excused their actions by stating that these regiments were “raw troops, just from the usual idleness of our 'camps of instruction.' Hundreds of them never heard a gun fired in anger; their officers, for the most part, were equally inexperienced; they had been reposing in fancied security and were awakened by the stunning roar of cannon in their midst and the bursting of bomb shells among their tents. Certainly, it is sad enough but hardly surprising, that under such circumstances, some should run.” [13]

State pride entered into the narrative as the Columbus Journal offered that the reports that these Ohio regiments ran was a “most unfounded falsehood” perpetrated by “the correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, and which was made up by that individual no nearer the battlefield than Cairo.” Quoting Lieutenant L. Starling Sullivant,[14] a regular army officer with the Ordnance Department who witnessed some of the battle, the Journal suggested that while the “53rd, 57th and 77th regiments did fall back hastily,” it did no different than troops from other states including Illinois. “The same 'panic' which caused the Ohio regiments to 'flee in disorder' caused some of the gallant friends of the Chicago Tribune's correspondent to leave in an equally hasty manner. So much for that attempt to disparage the bravery and patriotism of our gallant Ohio boys.” [15]

But local newspapers in Ohio, eager to absolve their friends and neighbors of culpability, added fuel to the narrative that Grant’s army was surprised by blaming the commanding officer of the army for the results. “The surprise of our army at Pittsburg seems to have been complete, and although by two days of the most desperate fighting and the timely arrival of General Buell’s division, the enemy was repulsed, the blood of thousands of brave and loyal men paid the fearful penalty of official negligence,” opined the Republican leaning Cleveland Morning Leader. “Who is responsible for the blunder is a question to be decided after an investigation by the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War.” But the Leader, circumventing the process just proposed, condemned Grant in the court of public opinion and proffered that it was ultimately Grant’s responsibility. It also darkly touched on rumors of Grant’s drunkenness by stating that while “Grant is a brave and patriotic soldier, he is unfortunately cursed with personal habits calculated to impair the efficiency of his conduct.” [16]

Joseph Medill of the Chicago Tribune opined that “the evidence that the surprise was as complete as it proved to be effective is so unanimous and overwhelming that we can discredit it no longer.” Compiling a list of perceived sins on the battlefield gleaned from previously published accounts, the Tribune stated that “these are points that demand investigation; and we hope that, strike where the blow may, the man at whose door the responsibility will be laid will not be suffered to escape.” However, Medill cautioned against this quick judgment against Grant, and said “we will withhold all censure from Gen. Grant and for him, as the commander to whom the blame would first and most naturally be attributed, we ask for a suspension of judgment until the facts are known. We know not what orders he was under from his superiors, not what faults and disobediences his subordinates at the heads of divisions and regiments may have committed. But for somebody, there is a reckoning which ought not be deferred.” [17]

The widespread editorial criticism of Grant ultimately reached the White House where Lincoln himself asked Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton to investigate. In a telegraph to Major General Henry W. Halleck, Stanton inquired “whether any neglect or misconduct of General Grant or any other officer contributed to the sad casualties that befell our forces on Sunday.” Halleck made an inquiry that ultimately absolved Grant of responsibility, blaming instead the raw volunteers and their neophyte regimental officers. One of Grant's staff members wrote of Halleck that “the conduct of the battle and all the details meet his entire approbation.” Grant also dismissed the rumors that he had started drinking again, writing in a letter to his wife that he was “sober as a deacon no matter what is said to the contrary.” [18] Sherman's caustic appraisal of this investigation is worth noting. “President Lincoln telegraphed to know who was the cause of the surprise and dreadful slaughter at Pittsburg Landing- Halleck answered that he thought the Confederate officers and soldiers were to blame and were the cause of the slaughter. So I hope old Abe will order Beauregard and Bragg to be court martialed for their cruelty in shooting bullets at us in the indiscriminate manner they did.”[19]


In Sherman’s first letter to his wife Ellen following the battle, he lamented the behavior of some of his troops. “My troops were very raw and some regiments broke at the first fire,” he related. “Others behaved better and I managed to keep enough all the time to form a command and was the first to get back to our front line. My division had about 8,000 men, at least half ran away and out of the remaining half, I have 302 soldiers, 16 officers killed and over 1,200 wounded.” In a later letter, he returned to this theme of disappointment with his volunteer troops. “The only difficulty is that hundreds and thousands of men are tired of the war and, satisfied with what they have seen, have taken advantage of slight wounds and gone home. As usual, the noisy clamorous ones ‘spiling’ for a fight have gone home to tell of their terrible deeds and left others to bear the battle still to be fought. How few know the dangers attending this war. The very men who were most clamorous for a fight were the first to run, and leave a few to stand the brunt of Sunday. ”[20] To his brother in law Charles Ewing, Sherman relayed that “we have had here the same games that were attempted at Bull Run- men run away, won't obey their officers, won't listen to the threats, remonstrances, and prayers of their superiors, but after the danger is past, they raise false issues to cover their infamy.” [21]

The arrival of the Cincinnati and Chicago newspapers in late April, rife with their tales of surprise and disaster, touched a raw nerve in Sherman. “The newspapers came back to us with accounts of our battle of the 6 & 7 as usual made by people who ran away and had to excuse their cowardice by charging bad management on the part of the leaders” he wrote his brother Ohio Senator John Sherman.[22] In subsequent letters to his family, Sherman complained that “the hue and cry against Grant about surprise is wrong. I was not surprised and I was in advance. It is outrageous for the cowardly newsmongers thus to defame men whose lives are exposed. The real truth is, the private soldiers in battle leave their ranks, run away, and then raise these false issues. The political leaders dare not lay the blame where it belongs. They, like the volunteer officers, are afraid of the men.” He stated that the “story of men being bayonetted in their tents is a pure lie” and averred that men who had not gotten dressed by 7:45 in the morning, more than two hours after reveille, “deserved to be bayonetted. It is all a lie got up by the cowards who ran to the river and reported we were surprised and all killed. By their false reports, they may have prevented success coming to us earlier than it did.” [23]

Sherman’s ire against the newspaper reports continued to fester, and he complained to his father in law Thomas Ewing on April 27 that “if the newspapers are to be our government, I confess I would prefer Bragg, Beauregard, or anybody as my ruler and I will persist in my determination never to be a leader responsible to such a power.”[24] Sherman railed against newspaper reporters, stating that they were “the most contemptible race of men that exist, cowards, cringing, hanging around, and gathering their material out of the most polluted sources.”[25] Sherman also commented to his wife that “I am sometimes amused at these newspaper reporters. They keep shy of me as I have said the first one I catch I will hang as a spy. It would afford me pleasure to hang one or two.”[26] Writing his brother John, the general grumped that “I am out of all patience that our people prefer to believe the horrid stories of butchery, ridiculous in themselves, gotten up by cowards to cover their shame than the plain natural reports of officers.” The well-connected senator recommended that his brother find a way to “get along.”[27]

Once General Halleck took command of the two Federal armies that had won the battle of Shiloh, he embarked upon a slow and methodical advance to destroy the remainder of the Confederate army at Corinth. Halleck gave Grant a nominal promotion to second in command of this army, but Grant was allowed to exercise very little direct authority and likened the arrangement to being under arrest. This gave Grant time to brood on the ill treatment he had received from the press, and the more he brooded, the more discouraged he became. “I have been so shockingly abused that I sometimes think it almost time to defend myself,” he wrote his wife during this time. “It has been my good fortune to render some service to the cause and my very bad luck to have attracted the attention of the newspaper scribblers,” he wrote in another missive to a friend in Galena, Illinois. Matters were not helped when Grant's father Jesse provided private letters from his son and one of his staff officers, William S. Hillyer, to the Cincinnati newspapers in a ham-handed attempt to quell some of the criticism. “Writing to Jesse was a mistake,” commented Grant biographer Brooks Simpson. “Readers might scoff at the general's unsupported assertion that he had the 'confidence of every brave man in my command;' they rejected the notion that only cowards were critics. Hillyer claimed there was a conspiracy to besmirch Grant's name. As it was, what did appear sparked more criticism.” [28]

Sherman was appalled by the effect of the public slanders on his friend Grant and placed the blame squarely on the shoulders of “the scoundrels who fled and left about half their number to do their work have succeeded in establishing the story of surprise. They were surprised, astonished, and disgusted at the utter want of respect for life on the part of the Confederates, whom they have been taught to regards as inferior to them.” These men had to “cast about for a legitimate excuse and the cheapest one was to accuse their officers.” Sherman stated that these men “are entitled to no delicacy from me.”[29]

Sherman, despite his oft quoted dismissal of the press and politicians in general, remained sensitive to their workings and to the potential effect bad press could have on political support back home and in Washington. Grant's initial report of Shiloh did much to shield Sherman from undue criticism, and Sherman was “forever thankful that Grant did not try to divert the flood of criticism directed at him” towards Sherman or the other divisional commanders. As such, Sherman seized the first opportunity to “take up the cudgels” in defense of his friend and fellow Ohioan. Upon the evacuation of Corinth in early June, Halleck dispersed his grand army, placing Grant back in command of his old army, and also giving him command of the district of western Tennessee with headquarters at Memphis. In the meantime, Sherman had been promoted to Major General in May upon the heels of Halleck’s recommendation that Sherman’s actions on April 6th were instrumental in saving the fortunes of the army at Shiloh. As it was clear that Grant was now officially 'off the hook,' Sherman decided that it was time to settle accounts with the 'newspaper scribblers' who had caused so much trouble with their reckless reporting. His primary target was not Joseph Medill of the Chicago Tribune or even any member of the press. Sherman chose Ohio's Lieutenant Governor Benjamin Stanton. [30]

Sherman’s first letter to Stanton

The 53-year-old Stanton, a noted attorney from Bellefontaine, had served four terms in Congress (1851-53, 1855-61) as a member of the Whig and later Republican parties before he was elected as Ohio's lieutenant governor on the Republican ticket in 1861. Stanton had served as chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs while in Congress, and had been selected by Governor David Tod to head the delegation of Ohioans who rushed to Pittsburg Landing following the battle to lend aid to the state's wounded soldiers.[31] Stanton spent two days at Pittsburgh Landing, then wrote a letter to his hometown newspaper, the Mac-A-Cheek Press of Bellefontaine, that stated that there was an “intense feeling of indignation against Generals Grant and Prentiss, and the general feeling amongst the most intelligent men with whom I conversed is that they (Grant and Prentiss) ought to be court martialed and shot.” Sherman became aware of this publication in early May and by May 23rd wrote his wife that he had discussed Stanton's comments with Generals Grant and Hurlbut and said “they will gladly accept the quarrel with this demagogue. He came and went away quick, before danger could possibly arise-such are the men who disgrace Ohio.” [32]

Sherman's published response to Stanton was a toned-down version from the original that he sent to his family for evaluation in May. “I have received yours and Phil's letters about mine to Stanton and have modified it to be less belligerent and more in accordance with your father's views,” Sherman wrote his wife on June 10. “The more I think of it the more angry I become that a man in high office should so abuse his position and opportunities as to injure us who at the least are doing our best. He is a coward and a rascal and I hope my letter will be published and let him digest it.”[33] Upon receipt of Sherman's revised letter, his wife shared it with her father and brothers who offered wholehearted support. “Father says I must send your letter to editors in every direction,” she wrote.[34] As Sherman hoped, his letter received wide publication across Ohio, particularly in Democratic newspapers who praised it for its forthright style and eloquent denunciation of one of their longtime political opponents. [35]

Camp in the field, Chewalla, Tennessee

June 10, 1862

Lieut. Gov. B Stanton, Columbus,

Sir:

I am not surprised when anonymous scribblers write and publish falsehoods or make criticisms on matters of which they are incapable of comprehending. It is their trade. They live by it. Slander gives point and piquancy to a paragraph, and the writer, being irresponsible or beneath notice, escapes a merited punishment. It is different with men in high official station who, like you, descend to the dirty work. You had an opportunity to learn the truth, for I saw you myself at Shiloh soon after the battle and know that hundreds would have aided you in your work had you been in search of facts. You never inquired of me the truth of events which you must have known transpired in my sight and hearing but seemed to have preferred the ‘camp stories’ to authentic data within your reach.

A friend, by mere accident, has shown me a slip of newspaper dated April 19th, 1862, styled ‘Extra’ published at Bellefontaine, Ohio and signed B. Stanton. I am further told you are the man. If so, and you be the Lieutenant Governor of Ohio, I hold that you are my peer and that of Generals Grant, Hurlbut, and Prentiss, all of whom you directly charge with conduct on the field of Shiloh which deserves a court martial, whose sentence, if you have not borne false witness, would be degradation or death. The accusatory part of your statement is all false, false in general, false in every particular, and I repeat you could not have failed to know it false when you published that statement. To prove what I say, I now quote the concluding part of your paper:

‘Some complaints have been made about the conduct of a few of the new regiments in this battle, including the 54th and 57th. It must be remembered that these are new regiments- that not only have they never seen any service, but that they never received their guns until they arrived on the Tennessee River, two or three weeks before the battle. So with Myers’ battery.[36] It has not been more than six weeks since they have had their horses. And yet these regiments and this battery were put on the extreme outside of our camp and were consequently first exposed to the enemy’s fire. And to this that our lines were so carelessly and negligently guarded that the enemy were almost on us in our very tents before the officers in command were aware of their approach. The wonder therefore is, not that these regiments were finally broken and routed, but that they made any stand at all. But the loss sustained by these regiments, especially by Capt. Starr’s company in the 54th, shows that they made a gallant and noble stand, and that the ultimate retreat was not the fault of the men, but of the blundering stupidity and negligence of the general in command. There is an intense feeling of indignation against Generals Grant and Prentiss, and the general feeling amongst the most intelligent men with whom I conversed is that they ought to be court martialed and shot.’ Yours & c., B. Stanton

With Myers’ battery, I have nothing to do as it was in General Hurlbut’s division, who has made his official report, which proves yours untrue; for instead of being kept on the ‘extreme outside of the camp,’ it was at the beginning of the battle more than a mile to the rear of mine and McClernand’s and Prentiss’ divisions. The 54th, Colonel T. Kilby Smith and 57th, Colonel William Mungen, did form a part of my command. No one that I ever heard has questioned the courage and gallantry of the 54th, unless it be inferred from your own apology for them, and I know that I speak the mind of the officers of that regiment when I say they scorn to have their merits bolstered up by your lame and impotent conclusions. As to their being on the outer line, it was where they wished to be, and so far from being surprised, they were, by my orders, under arms at daylight and it was near 10 a.m. before the enemy assailed their position. This position was so favorable that Colonel Stuart, with his small brigade of which the 54th formed a part, held at bay for hours Hardee’s whole division, composed on infantry, artillery, and cavalry.

The 57th was posted on the left of Shiloh, which I say and in which Beauregard concurs with me, was the key to the whole position. It was in the very front, the place of honor, to which Col. Mungen or his men could not object. Their front was guarded by themselves, and if negligence is justly charged, it belongs to the regiment itself. So favorable was the ground, that although the regiment lost but two officers and seven men, Col. Mungen has more than once assured me that he counted fifty dead secessionists on the ground over which he was attacked. As to the enemy being in their very camp before the officers were aware of their approach, it is the most wicked falsehood that was ever attempted to be thrust upon a people sad and heart sore and the terrible but necessary casualties of war. That the cowards who deserted their comrades in that hour of danger should in their desperate strait to cover up their infamy invent such a story was to be expected; but that you should have lent yourself as a willing instrument to perpetuating that falsehood is a shame from which you can never hope to recover. [37]

The truth is now well understood. For days we knew the enemy was in our front, but the nature of the ground and his superior strength in cavalry prevented us from breaking through their veil of approach to ascertain their true strength and purpose. But as soldiers, we were prepared at all times to receive an attack and even to make one if circumstances warranted it. On that morning, our pickets had been driven in. Our main guards were forced back the small valley in our front. All our regiments of infantry, batteries of artillery, and squadrons of cavalry were prepared. I myself, their commander, was fully prepared, rode along lines of this very regiment, and saw it in position in front of their camp, and looking to a narrow causeway across the small creek by which the enemy was expected and did approach. After passing this regiment, I rode on to Appler’s position[38] and beyond some five hundred yards where I was fired on and my orderly, Thos. D. Holliday[39], was killed. Even after that, I gave some directions about Waterhouse’s battery and again returned to Shiloh in time to witness the attack there. It is simply ridiculous to talk about surprise. To be sure, very many were astonished and surprised, not so much at the enemy’s coming but at the manner of his coming, and these sought safety at the river and could not be prevailed to recover from their surprise until the enemy had been driven away by their comrades after two days of hard fighting. I have never made a question of the individual bravery of this or any other regiment, but merely state facts. The regiment still belongs to my command and has elicited my praise for its improvement and steadiness in the many skirmishes and affairs on the advance on Corinth. I doubt not the people of Ohio will yet have reason to feel the same pride in this regiment as they now do in many of the same state of deservedly high repute.

As to the intense feeling against Generals Grant and Prentiss- could anything be more base that that? Grant, just fresh from the victory at Donelson, more rich in its fruits than was Saratoga, Yorktown, or any other fought on this continent, is yet held up the people of Ohio, his native state, as one who, in the opinion of the intelligent coward, is worthy to be shot; and Prentiss, now absent and a prisoner, unable to meet your wicked and malicious shafts, also condemned to death. Shame on you and I know I tell you a